THEY MUST GO – 1981
RABBI MEIR KAHANE
Excerpts from: Israeli Arabs: Fathers and Sons
(and Daughters)
(Part 2 continued from last week
Between 1978 and 1980 we have seen an inevitable rise in Arab
hostility toward the state. After
winning the elections of leadership of the Arab students at Hebrew University,
the Progressive National Movement opened an office in the student dormitories
on Stern Street, hanging out an eye-catching sign: “Progressive National
Movement.” How a group such as the PNM
was allowed to run for office or its members remain as students rather than to
be prosecuted for sedition would seem difficult to explain. Bear in mind however, that this is a
university that allowed an Arab student Fares Saur, a member of a terrorist
group that planted a bomb in the school cafeteria, to continue his studies
after finishing his jail sentence. The
school explained that the criterion for acceptance to the university was purely
academic.
In its publication Tachadi for December 1978 the PNM wrote of
its opposition to “any settlement with recognition of the Zionist entity in any
part of Palestine.” The student author
called for a war “beginning with leaflets and demonstrations and concluding
with armed military struggle.” Above
all, the PNM made this point crystal-clear: “The struggle is not limited to the
‘occupied territories.’ We must widen it
to all parts of the Arab motherland.”
The PNM, running for control of the Arab student body, had distributed
literature outlining its program and goals in which they demanded that “the
right of national self-determination for the Palestinian people also included
the masses in [Israel’s] Galilee and the Triangle.” And so in January 1979 several Arab students
distributed a pamphlet calling for support of the PLO and the disappearance of
the “Zionist entity.” Moreover, some
Arabs fired off a cable to the Damascus meeting of the Palestine National
Council to voice their support of the PLO’s struggle against the ever-present
“Zionist entity.”
A furor arose in Israel; more “shock”, more demands for expulsion of
all PLO -supporting students from the school. The universities did nothing, but
tough General Avigdor Ben-Gal issued “stay-at-home” orders to six of the
students. The orders kept them limited
to their villages and were to be in effect for three months – enough time to
make them heroes and thus allow them to return and continue their incitement.
The six came from six different Israeli villages: Tamra, Araba, Kfar
Yasif, Musmus, Sandala, and Umm al-Fahm.
It is instructive to look at two of the students so that we may get a
clear picture of the insanity of the Israeli policy, as reported by Yosef
Valter in Maariv (February 16, 1979).
Masoud A’jabria, twenty-four, is completing his M.A. at Hebrew
University in international relations while going to law school. Besides Masoud, there is his brother, Sa’id,
learning chemistry at the Mizrachi-religious-sponsored Bar-Ilan University; a
sister, studying at a teacher’s seminar in Hadar Am, and five younger brothers
and sisters are attending high school.
Naturally, someday they will go on to university. Yosef Valter visited the family and reported: “from a brief conversation you find that all
of them think and speak like Masoud, the older brother.” That is a starkly frightening sentence when
one remembers that Masoud A’jabria said: “In order to achieve a Palestinian
revolution we must shed rivers of blood.”
Jamal Mahajana, twenty-one, comes from Umm al-Fahm. Mahajana is products of the integration
Israeli myopics teach. He studied in the
mostly Jewish Afula high school and says, “I was not discriminated
against.” And so, having received the
same education his Zionist neighbors received, and having been accepted into
Hebrew University while 50,000 poor Sephardic Jews remain outside, Mahajana
says in his telegram to the PLO in Damascus:
“We emphasized that we are Palestinian Arabs living in the State of
Israel and, like others, we claim that the PLO is the sole representative of
the Palestinian people… The Zionist regime is an oppressive regime…”
The total lack of any coherent and consistent policy on the part of
Israel toward the Arabs was seen two weeks later, when the National Arab
Student Union announced that it, too, saw the PLO as the exclusive leader of
the Palestinian people. No one was
arrested, no one placed under house arrest. Little wonder that in the year that
followed Arab boldness increased.
Arab students held an unauthorized demonstration at Hebrew University
in November 1979 to protest the planned expulsion of Shechem’s PLO mayor Bassam
Shaka. The Arabs shouted, “We are all
Arafat,” and “The state is ours,” a fight broke out involving chains, rocks,
and knives. Three Jewish students were
injured. A Jewish student group was
formed called Students Who Are Disgusted.
At Haifa University, on May 4, 1980, 50 Arab students marched through
school buildings, disrupting classes and shouting against “Israeli
fascism.” Three days later a swastika
and the words “Death to the Jews” were painted on doors at Haifa’s Technion.
At Haifa University, the Arab students published a paper called Bian,
in which, among other things, they said:
“We are an indivisible part of the Palestine Arab people and the PLO is
our sole legal representative…Zionism is a racist, colonialist movement…”
The young Arabs of Israel. The
fathers are dying. The sons remain, and
they will have sons and daughters-many.
The young, educated, modern Arab.
The Golem of Israel, created by Jews who believed that by caring for his
body and expanding his mind, they would lead the Arab to accept being a
permanent minority in a Jewish state.
If examples of Israeli blindness were not so
prevalent, no one would believe them.
But consider:
“In January 1979 Knesset Education Committee chairman Ora Namir paid a
well-publicized visit to the schools of Umm al-Fahm, one of the centers of
Israeli Arab hate. Passing a wall on which had been painted “Long live Fatah,”
she told the Arabs that “we are committed to doing everything we can to make
Arab schools equal to Jewish schools,” despite a government decision to freeze
and cut spending levels for Jews.”
And then Mrs. Namir, a Knesset member and a leader in Israel,
said: “The fact that you do not have
enough latrines in the schools is, for me, even more tragic than not enough
classrooms. You will have the
budget. But you will have to promise me
that the latrines will be first.”
Not by latrines does an Arab live, and he will never trade his
national passions for them. The latrines
we give him he will take. But the
education he receives from Israel he will use to bring closer that day when
Jews will be a minority and he can generously offer them the latrines.
[We can see that the power that the Arabs have today, was a long-time
in the making. bg]
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