RABBI MEIR KAHANE
Excerpts from: Israeli Arabs: Fathers and Sons (and Daughters)
[Continued from February 23, 2012]
Between 1978 and 1980 we have seen an inevitable rise in Arab hostility toward the state. After winning the elections of leadership of the Arab students at Hebrew University, the Progressive National Movement opened an office in the student dormitories on Stern Street, hanging out an eye-catching sign: “Progressive National Movement.” How a group such as the PNM was allowed to run for office or its members remain as students rather than to be prosecuted for sedition would seem difficult to explain. Bear in mind however, that this is a university that allowed an Arab student Fares Saur, a member of a terrorist group that planted a bomb in the school cafeteria, to continue his studies after finishing his jail sentence. The school explained that the criterion for acceptance to the university was purely academic.
In its publication Tachadi for December 1978 the PNM wrote of its opposition to“any settlement with recognition of the Zionist entity in any part of Palestine.” The student author called for a war “beginning with leaflets and demonstrations and concluding with armed military struggle.” Above all, the PNM made this point crystal-clear: “The struggle is not limited to the ‘occupied territories.’ We must widen it to all parts of the Arab motherland.”
The PNM, running for control of the Arab student body, had distributed literature outlining its program and goals in which they demanded that “the right of national self-determination for the Palestinian people also included the masses in [Israel’s] Galilee and the Triangle.” And so in January 1979 several Arab students distributed a pamphlet calling for support of the PLO and the disappearance of the “Zionist entity.” Moreover, some Arabs fired off a cable to the Damascus meeting of the Palestine National Council to voice their support of the PLO’s struggle against the ever-present “Zionist entity.”
A furor arose in Israel; more “shock”, more demands for expulsion of all PLO-supporting students from the school. The universities did nothing, but tough General Avigdor Ben-Gal issued “stay-at-home” orders to six of the students. The orders kept them limited to their villages and were to be in effect for three months – enough time to make them heroes and thus allow them to return and continue their incitement.
The six came from six different Israeli villages: Tamra, Araba, Kfar Yasif, Musmus, Sandala, and Umm al-Fahm. It is instructive to look at two of the students so that we may get a clear picture of the insanity of the Israeli policy, as reported by Yosef Valter in Maariv (February 16, 1979).
Masoud A’jabria, twenty-four, is completing his M.A. at Hebrew University in international relations while going to law school. Besides Masoud, there is his brother, Sa’id, learning chemistry at the Mizrachi-religious-sponsored Bar-Ilan University; a sister, studying at a teacher’s seminar in Hadar Am, and five younger brothers and sisters are attending high school. Naturally, someday they will go on to university. Yosef Valter visited the family and reported: “from a brief conversation you find that all of them think and speak like Masoud, the older brother.” That is a starkly frightening sentence when one remembers that Masoud A’jabria said: “In order to achieve a Palestinian revolution we must shed rivers of blood.”
Jamal Mahajana, twenty-one, comes from Umm al-Fahm. Mahajana is products of the integration Israeli myopics teach. He studied in the mostly Jewish Afula high school and says, “I was not discriminated against.” And so, having received the same education his Zionist neighbors received, and having been accepted into Hebrew University while 50,000 poor Sephardic Jews remain outside, Mahajana says in his telegram to the PLO in Damascus: “We emphasized that we are Palestinian Arabs living in the State of Israel and, like others, we claim that the PLO is the sole representative of the Palestinian people… The Zionist regime is an oppressive regime…”
The total lack of any coherent and consistent policy on the part of Israel toward the Arabs was seen two weeks later, when the National Arab Student Union announced that it, too, saw the PLO as the exclusive leader of the Palestinian people. No one was arrested, no one placed under house arrest. Little wonder that in the year that followed Arab boldness increased.
Arab students held an unauthorized demonstration at Hebrew University in November 1979 to protest the planned expulsion of Shechem’s PLO mayor Bassam Shaka. The Arabs shouted, “We are all Arafat,” and“The state is ours,” a fight broke out involving chains, rocks, and knives. Three Jewish students were injured. A Jewish student group was formed called Students Who Are Disgusted.
At Haifa University, on May 4, 1980, 50 Arab students marched through school buildings, disrupting classes and shouting against “Israeli fascism.” Three days later a swastika and the words“Death to the Jews” were painted on doors at Haifa’s Technion.
At Haifa University, the Arab students published a paper called Bian, in which, among other things, they said: “We are an indivisible part of the Palestine Arab people and the PLO is our sole legal representative…Zionism is a racist, colonialist movement…”
The young Arabs of Israel. The fathers are dying. The sons remain, and they will have sons and daughters-many. The young, educated, modern Arab. The Golem of Israel, created by Jews who believed that by caring for his body and expanding his mind, they would lead the Arab to accept being a permanent minority in a Jewish state.
If examples of Israeli blindness were not so prevalent, no one would believe them. But consider:
“In January 1979 Knesset Education Committee chairman Ora Namir paid a well-publicized visit to the schools of Umm al-Fahm, one of the centers of Israeli Arab hate. Passing a wall on which had been painted “Long live Fatah,” she told the Arabs that “we are committed to doing everything we can to make Arab schools equal to Jewish schools,” despite a government decision to freeze and cut spending levels for Jews.”
And then Mrs. Namir, a Knesset member and a leader in Israel, said: “The fact that you do not have enough latrines in the schools is, for me, even more tragic than not enough classrooms. You will have the budget. But you will have to promise me that the latrines will be first.”
Not by latrines does an Arab live, and he will never trade his national passions for them. The latrines we give him he will take. But the education he receives from Israel he will use to bring closer that day when Jews will be a minority and he can generously offer them the latrines.
[We can see that the power that the Arabs have today, was a long-time in the making. bg]
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