Israeli Arabs: Fathers and Sons and Daughters Part 2

THEY MUST GO – 1981

RABBI MEIR KAHANE

Excerpts from: Israeli Arabs: Fathers and Sons (and Daughters)

[Continued from February 23, 2012]

Between 1978 and 1980 we have seen an inevitable rise in Arab hostility toward the state. After winning the elections of leadership of the Arab students at Hebrew University, the Progressive National Movement opened an office in the student dormitories on Stern Street, hanging out an eye-catching sign: “Progressive National Movement.” How a group such as the PNM was allowed to run for office or its members remain as students rather than to be prosecuted for sedition would seem difficult to explain. Bear in mind however, that this is a university that allowed an Arab student Fares Saur, a member of a terrorist group that planted a bomb in the school cafeteria, to continue his studies after finishing his jail sentence. The school explained that the criterion for acceptance to the university was purely academic.

In its publication Tachadi for December 1978 the PNM wrote of its opposition to“any settlement with recognition of the Zionist entity in any part of Palestine.” The student author called for a war “beginning with leaflets and demonstrations and concluding with armed military struggle.” Above all, the PNM made this point crystal-clear: “The struggle is not limited to the ‘occupied territories.’ We must widen it to all parts of the Arab motherland.”

The PNM, running for control of the Arab student body, had distributed literature outlining its program and goals in which they demanded that “the right of national self-determination for the Palestinian people also included the masses in [Israel’s] Galilee and the Triangle.” And so in January 1979 several Arab students distributed a pamphlet calling for support of the PLO and the disappearance of the “Zionist entity.” Moreover, some Arabs fired off a cable to the Damascus meeting of the Palestine National Council to voice their support of the PLO’s struggle against the ever-present “Zionist entity.”

A furor arose in Israel; more “shock”, more demands for expulsion of all PLO-supporting students from the school. The universities did nothing, but tough General Avigdor Ben-Gal issued “stay-at-home” orders to six of the students. The orders kept them limited to their villages and were to be in effect for three months – enough time to make them heroes and thus allow them to return and continue their incitement.

The six came from six different Israeli villages: Tamra, Araba, Kfar Yasif, Musmus, Sandala, and Umm al-Fahm. It is instructive to look at two of the students so that we may get a clear picture of the insanity of the Israeli policy, as reported by Yosef Valter in Maariv (February 16, 1979).

Masoud A’jabria, twenty-four, is completing his M.A. at Hebrew University in international relations while going to law school. Besides Masoud, there is his brother, Sa’id, learning chemistry at the Mizrachi-religious-sponsored Bar-Ilan University; a sister, studying at a teacher’s seminar in Hadar Am, and five younger brothers and sisters are attending high school. Naturally, someday they will go on to university. Yosef Valter visited the family and reported: “from a brief conversation you find that all of them think and speak like Masoud, the older brother.” That is a starkly frightening sentence when one remembers that Masoud A’jabria said: “In order to achieve a Palestinian revolution we must shed rivers of blood.”

Jamal Mahajana, twenty-one, comes from Umm al-Fahm. Mahajana is products of the integration Israeli myopics teach. He studied in the mostly Jewish Afula high school and says, “I was not discriminated against.” And so, having received the same education his Zionist neighbors received, and having been accepted into Hebrew University while 50,000 poor Sephardic Jews remain outside, Mahajana says in his telegram to the PLO in Damascus: “We emphasized that we are Palestinian Arabs living in the State of Israel and, like others, we claim that the PLO is the sole representative of the Palestinian people… The Zionist regime is an oppressive regime…”

The total lack of any coherent and consistent policy on the part of Israel toward the Arabs was seen two weeks later, when the National Arab Student Union announced that it, too, saw the PLO as the exclusive leader of the Palestinian people. No one was arrested, no one placed under house arrest. Little wonder that in the year that followed Arab boldness increased.

Arab students held an unauthorized demonstration at Hebrew University in November 1979 to protest the planned expulsion of Shechem’s PLO mayor Bassam Shaka. The Arabs shouted, “We are all Arafat,” and“The state is ours,” a fight broke out involving chains, rocks, and knives. Three Jewish students were injured. A Jewish student group was formed called Students Who Are Disgusted.

At Haifa University, on May 4, 1980, 50 Arab students marched through school buildings, disrupting classes and shouting against “Israeli fascism.” Three days later a swastika and the words“Death to the Jews” were painted on doors at Haifa’s Technion.

At Haifa University, the Arab students published a paper called Bian, in which, among other things, they said: “We are an indivisible part of the Palestine Arab people and the PLO is our sole legal representative…Zionism is a racist, colonialist movement…”

The young Arabs of Israel. The fathers are dying. The sons remain, and they will have sons and daughters-many. The young, educated, modern Arab. The Golem of Israel, created by Jews who believed that by caring for his body and expanding his mind, they would lead the Arab to accept being a permanent minority in a Jewish state.

If examples of Israeli blindness were not so prevalent, no one would believe them. But consider:

“In January 1979 Knesset Education Committee chairman Ora Namir paid a well-publicized visit to the schools of Umm al-Fahm, one of the centers of Israeli Arab hate. Passing a wall on which had been painted “Long live Fatah,” she told the Arabs that “we are committed to doing everything we can to make Arab schools equal to Jewish schools,” despite a government decision to freeze and cut spending levels for Jews.”

And then Mrs. Namir, a Knesset member and a leader in Israel, said: “The fact that you do not have enough latrines in the schools is, for me, even more tragic than not enough classrooms. You will have the budget. But you will have to promise me that the latrines will be first.”

Not by latrines does an Arab live, and he will never trade his national passions for them. The latrines we give him he will take. But the education he receives from Israel he will use to bring closer that day when Jews will be a minority and he can generously offer them the latrines.

[We can see that the power that the Arabs have today, was a long-time in the making. bg]

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Israeli Arabs: Fathers and Sons and Daughters Part 1

 

THEY MUST GO – 1981

RABBI MEIR KAHANE

Excerpts from: Israeli Arabs: Fathers and Sons (and Daughters)

Part 1 of 2 parts

Israeli Arabs. Fathers and sons-and increasingly daughters. For the Israelis have liberated the Arab woman, too, in order that she may also vote for anti-Zionists and teach anti-Israel hatred. Thus, when the prime minister’s office boasts that “the expansion of the educational system has helped to raise the standard of education of the younger generation of women”and “the fact that Arab women are coming into closer contact with the Jewish population is opening up new horizons,” one gropes for an explanation for the smug satisfaction. The most that can be said for Israel’s liberal policy is that it has created a new generation of Jew haters with due care to ensure that the source of the hate is equal, with discrimination because of sex..

The generation of the fathers is dying destroyed by the Israeli government’s “head-and-stomach” policy. The father is dead; long live the son and daughter, whom Israel created. They will do their best to destroy the Jewish state, and, of course, the Jewish state will continue to produce them. The first generation of Israeli Arab university graduates immediately produced the El Ard anti-Israeli movement in the 1960’s.

 Indeed, even then there were those who saw and understood-and those who did, terrified by what they saw, put it out of mind. In the Midstream magazine (December 1962) Nissim Rejwan, an Israeli writer, said: “One of the more alarming aspects of the Israeli problem is that the new generation of Israeli Arabs generally shows even less willingness, not to speak of eagerness, to accept the fact of Israel’s existence than do their fathers and grandfathers. The so-called Arab ‘intelligentsia’ in Israel which seems to embrace every literate person from university graduates to those who finished a few secondary classes, are in the majority of cases swayed by the heady talk…about ‘settling scores with Israel.’ Many of them, it would appear, cannot reconcile themselves to their status as a minority in a Jewish state and keep hoping for some sort of savior.” Was anyone listening?

 The rise of the new generation of educated Israeli Arabs who did not know the bitter taste of defeat and who openly moved toward confrontation with Zionism and the Jewishness of the state was itself given enormous impetus by the Six-Day-War.

 Again, ironically, it was Jewish military victory that the Jews turned into yet another political defeat. For the first time in nineteen years the Arabs were able to meet and talk with other Arabs who were not Israelis, who called themselves “Palestinians,” and who openly spoke of the day when the hated Jews would leave. The Israeli Arab suddenly, realized that he was neither meat nor milk, fish nor fowl. He was not an Israeli, but now he was struck by the awesome realization that he had not been a “Palestinian” all those years either? He was looked upon by the West Bank “Palestinians” as a traitor who cooperated with, and accepted, Israeli citizenship from the Jews who had stolen the land from his people. In one fell swoop, all the factors that went into creating the new radical Israeli Arab came together. Things could never be the same.

Not only were there new contacts with the West Bank“Palestinians,” but this was also the beginning of joint cooperation. Thus, Israeli Arabs participated in a“Palestine Week” held in 1978 at the Universities of Bethlehem and Bir Zeit. They helped organize it, and they printed and distributed a leaflet calling for the support of the PLO. In defiance of the law several Israeli Arab students have begun studying in schools in the liberated territories.

 The opening of the borders between the State of Israel and the liberated areas was seen by the incredibly obtuse Israelis as allowing the better-fed Israeli Arabs to demonstrate the benefits of Israeli occupation. Of course, a child could have known that the exactly the opposite would occur. The Israeli Arabs were suddenly given the opportunity to meet, regularly, with their own people who were struggling for what the Israeli Arab understood to be a common goal: freedom.

 The mayor of Hebron, Fahd Kawasma, said (January 22, 1979): “The Israeli Arabs have remained foreigners and their lot remains ours. There is no possibility of blurring the fact that they and we are part of the same people, and the fact that they live in Israel does not make them less Palestinian.”

 In his newspaper interview, Bir Zeit President Nasir added:“The destiny of the Arab College at Bir Zeit is to be the nucleus around which is built the Palestinian State.” Indeed, the Arab students being trained in the Jewish universities of Israel see themselves in the same light. They are the seed of the future “Palestine” leaders in the area of “Palestine conquered in 1948.” They give leadership and examples to high school students and are the PLO leaders of tomorrow.

 The irony is that the most extraordinary rise in the brazenness has taken place under the supposedly tough Begin government. Maariv reporter Yosef Tzuriel commented on this as long ago as April 26, 1978. “The rise of the Likud to power created a certain amount of tension in the first months among Arabs of Israel and the territories who expected a firmer policy against them. but after a short while it became clear that the new government was as liberal as its predecessor, if not more so.”

What is the real result of the millions of dollars poured into higher Arab education and the hundreds of millions spent on secondary (high school) training? Consider: In December 1979 the Progressive National Movement (PNM) won the election for control of the Arab Student Committee at Hebrew University. In its platform the PNM called for:

· acceptance of the Palestinian Covenant (which calls for the elimination of Israel)

· the creation of a“democratic, secular “Palestine” in place of Israel

· acceptance pf terrorist activities as part of the Palestinian struggle for self-determination.

And indeed, in 1979, students and visitors at the university were startled to find mimeographed copies of the Palestinian National charter being distributed.

And should one have any doubt, the immensely frank interview with Mahmud Muhareb would dispel all of them. Muhareb, an Israeli Arab citizen of Lydda and at the time chairman of the Arab Student Committee at Hebrew University, presented his views to Maariv Israel’s largest newspaper (January 20, 1978):“We, the Arab students in the university, constitute and indivisible part of the Arab Palestinian nation, and we struggle in its service in order to achieve its goals.”

“As for me and my personal lot, I am first and foremost a Palestinian, resident of Lydda. Israeli citizenship was forced upon me. I do not recognize it and do not see myself as belonging to the State of Israel. The law requires me to carry an Israeli identity card and passport. As a Palestinian, I would prefer Palestinian ones.”

There is nothing new or startling about this. The signs of Arab intellectual hatred of Israel and deep desire for the dismantlement were obvious to all who wished to see.

[Continued next week]

[Part 1 and Part 2 of this article will give you the understanding of the rise of hatred and violence against the Jewish State which we are witnessing today.bg]

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"Interview with Rabbi Kahane" "On A Hill Near Schem" "The Second Revolution "- 1978

 “Beyond Words” is a newly-published seven volume collection of Rabbi Meir Kahane’s writings from 1960 – 1990 that originally appeared in The Jewish Press, other serial publications, and his privately-published works.

“Beyond Words” also includes a number of extra features:

Chronology of Rabbi Kahane's life.

 “Beyond Words” now can be bought at Amazon.com.  On the search line, type…  Beyond Words Kahane.

Beyond Words

Selected Writings of Rabbi Meir Kahane,

1960-1990  

Volume 3

An Interview with Rabbi Meir Kahane,

Kahane Magazine,  April 1978, p.22

There is a truth, a Jewish truth that no one speaks today.  The Jewish Idea has been corrupted and silenced.  There must be one person who is prepared to speak the entire truth in the truthful way.  No one else speaks about the holocaust that must grip the Galut; no one else speaks about the need to remove the Arabs from Eretz Yisroel; no one else says that to depend on the Americans will not bring salvation but rather Divine punishment; no one else ways that if the government of Israel will not annex the lands, Divine Punishment will again strike us; no one else says that we must defy the government if it defies Jewish law; no one else speaks as a Jew, and with the Jewish Idea.  That is my obligation.  If I have support and if I have followers, well and good.  If I am able to build an organization, so much the better.  But if I have to be alone and shout out the lonely truth in that way – that will be my role.

“On A Hill Near Shchem,”

Jewish Press, October 13, 1978

Conversation between Rabbi Kahane and the soldiers of Israel 

“Why do you have to give us such a hard time?” asked one soldier.  “I am not the only one who gives you a hard time,” I replied, “you are the ones who are

breaking the law.  The law says that a Jew must live in Eretz Yisroel and settle everywhere, and you prevent it.”  “The only law that we have is the government, and you are violating it.  Besides, we want peace and you are destroying the chances for peace.”    “And you really believe that by giving up Sinai and giving the Arabs Judea and Samaria, you will have peace?  Don’t you remember how they went to war when they had the Sinai and Judea-Samaria?”  The soldiers had now gathered around me and one said:  “But things are different today!”  “How do you know?” I shot back, “Why do you risk the state by trusting an enemy that started four wars?”  “We have to gamble!  It is impossible to keep on fighting.  I am willing to take the risk.”  It was clear that this was the view of most of the soldiers, almost all of whom were irreligious.

“I’ll tell you,” I said.  “If you really want to gamble, trust me – not the Arabs.  I tell you that if you will all put on tefillin for a month, the Messiah will come.  And if you gamble on tefillin and the Messiah does not come, what have you lost?”

. . .  Tomorrow would be Friday, Begin was coming home.  At the airport he would be greeted by thousands of cheering Israelis and he would cry out to them: “I have brought you peace!”  Voices.  Voices. Voices. From yet another airport; from yet another Prime Minister; to yet another cheering crowd.  “I have brought you peace in our time . . .” It was Chamberlain coming home from Munich.  The bus started up and the settlement had come to an end.  This time there was no singing.

“The Second Revolution,”

Jewish Press, October 20, 1978

While no other Prime Minister used the name of G-d, Begin mouths it and then gives away Jewish rights because Jimmy Carter, in his eyes, is more real.  Fear of being isolate?  Trembling at the fact that no newspapers supported Israel?  Worry over the loss of allies? The redemption of the Jewish people will come with the greatest grandeur precisely when Israel is isolated!   And these are the words of the Prophet Isaiah as he envisioned the final redemption, words we read in the synagogue on the week before Rosh Hashanah; words that were mouthed without listening to them or understanding them.  The Prophet speaks of the anger and vengeance of G-d against Israel’s enemies:

“I have trodden in the winepress ALONE, and of the nations THERE WAS NONE WITH ME. . . For the day of vengeance is in My heart, and the year of My redemption is come.  And I looked and there was none to help . . .  therefore has My own arm brought salvation . . .” (Isaiah 63:3-5)

Not through Jimmy Carter are we saved, and not through allies and gentile salvation.  Begin, who gave into pressure, is no better than all the others whom he so bitterly criticized when he was in opposition.  Fear of the gentile has taken precedence over the awe of G-d.  That is the heart of the problem. That is why Begin brought home, not peace, but war.  For peace will only come when He who creates and grants peace will agree.  That agreement can never come in response to violation of Torah and to Hillul Hashem.

Perhaps a final note.  All that I have written would have been bad enough.  But there might have been some mitigation had Begin, at least stood before the people gravely, sadly, in sorrow and said:  “This is a black day for us.  But we had no choice.”  I would have differed with him then, too, and been angry.  But at least we would have been spared the sight of a huge and happy welcome at the airport – so strikingly similar to the return of Chamberlain.  At least, Begin might not have pretended that he had brought us good tidings and peace. At least, he would have been honest.

The above articles appeared in 1978 quotes, volume 3.

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"Relations between Israel and the U.S." "Say NO to PLO" 1978

“Beyond Words” is a newly-published seven volume collection of Rabbi Meir Kahane’s writings from 1960 – 1990 that originally appeared in The Jewish Press, other serial publications, and his privately-published works.

“Beyond Words” also includes a number of extra features:

Chronology of Rabbi Kahane's life.

 “Beyond Words” now can be bought at Amazon.com.  On the search line, type…  Beyond Words Kahane.

Beyond Words

Selected Writings of Rabbi Meir Kahane,

1960-1990  

Volume 3

“A Treaty with the United States,” Jewish Press May 5, 1978

As the pressure grows on Israel to commit suicide, the United States – through carefully planned leaks – has begun to wave a trial balloon and a seductive proposal to Israel, and more important, to the Jews there and without, who seek any “reasonable” solution.  The seduction is called a formal treaty between the United States and Israel by which the Americans would guarantee the survival of the Jewish state.

Who in possession of even a modicum of common sense would trust the United States to carry out a treaty obligation that would involve the use of American troops and possible heavy losses?

Who will trust the Americans, whose “faithfulness” to their South Vietnamese allies is legendary?  Who does not realize that a treaty will only tie Israeli hands as every decision to retaliate against terror raids or wars of “attrition” will be vetoes by the senior partner?

Let the Americans keep their treaties and let the Jews renew theirs with the ALL Mighty. And never were the words of the prophet (Isaiah 30:2-3) more true: “Who go down to Egypt and have not asked of My mouth . . . to trust in the shadow of Egypt!  Therefore shall the strength of Paraoh be your shame, and the trust in Egypt your confusion.”  The L-rd, only the L-rd.

“Brzezinski: Is He Good for the Jews,”

Kahane Magazine, September 1978, pp20-22

 The United States surely acts upon its own interests and this is most legitimate.  But Washington conceives of its interest in ways very different from the Israeli ones.  The state department and the Pentagon (and there is no basic difference here between Democratic and Republican administrations) look at American interests in terms of oil, potential business contracts and investments in the Middle East, and, above all, to increase American influence in the Arab world.  When the presidential advisor says “a settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict is in the American interest,” what he is really saying is that a solution that the Arabs will find relatively favorable is in the American interest, and if that solution conflicts with Israel’s security or moral obligation, that is unfortunate.

The historical record shows an America that refused obstinately to give weapons to the beleaguered Jews in 1948, that attempted to shelve the U.N. plan for a Jewish state in favor of a trusteeship and that pressured Ben-Gurion not to declare a Jewish state.  It shows American pressure forcing the Jews to give up the northern Sinai after it was captured from the invading Egyptians in 1948 and to surrender the Sinai and the Gaza Strip in 1956 after Israel had smashed the Nasser noose that threatened to strange it.  It shows an America that pledged to keep the Gulf of Aqaba open and the United Nations peace-keeping forces between Israel and Egypt, and that then reneged on its promise in the terrible two weeks that preceded the June 1967 war.  It shows an America that refused to sell Phantom jets to Israel all through 1971; that prevented Israel from striking a pre-emptive blow on the eve of the Yom Kippur War (that, not Israeli intransigence, was what cost 2,5000 lives); that held up arms shipments to a bleeding Israel so as to prevent their routing the Arabs; that forced Israel to accept a cease-fire when it was on the verge of wiping out the Egyptian Third Army; and that brutally pressured Israel through “reassessment” – cutting off arms shipments and economic aid – into giving up the vital Sinai passes and all Israel’s oil.

. . . Who believes that America will do better for Israel than it did for its formal ally, South Vietnam?  The only reality is American pressure to force Israel to do what is good – in the Administration’s eyes – for America, regardless of whether it is suicidal for Israel.

“On Yo-Yoism,”

Jewish Press, February 3, 1978

Let us stop the nonsense of: We will not talk to the PLO but only to other “Palestinians.”  What madness!  To begin with, such talk legitimizes the concept of “Palestinians” when it is imperative to cry out that there is no such concept, that there is no “Palestine” or “Palestinian” people.  For if there is indeed a “Palestine” people, surely they have a right to a state of their own.  The PLO is no more dangerous than Assad of Syria with whom Begin is willing to meet, and indeed, the Syrians are a great deal more dangerous with their tanks and MIG-25s.  The PLO is no more dangerous and desirous of throttling Israel than any of the other Arabs of East Jerusalem or Shchem and Hebron.  And end to the differentiation which only puts us into a dangerous trap.  Let us place all the Arabs in the same role: that of wanting, through different measures and tactics, to put an end to Israel.  There is nothing wrong with sitting with all of them, including the PLO, and saying: NO  

The above articles came from 1978 Quotes

[Rabbi Kahane warned us about the dangerous trap that we are in today. bg]

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The Long And The Short 1978

K A H A N E

The magazine of the authentic Jewish Idea

September 1978    Elul 5738

VIEWPOINT

THE LONG AND THE SHORT

[This article written in 1978 like all other articles written by Rabbi Kahane is timeless. Rabbi Kahane always spoke of “democracy” changing in the blink of an eye. It all depends on the society and their problems.   “The Long And he Short” describes the “Wall Street Occupiers” and so many like them. For the frustrations and  unhappiness many feel in America today they blame  “big  business,” “Jews on Wall Street,”  “Jews in America,” one teacher occupier told Jews to leave the country and go to Israel.  Unfortunately, others agreed. Some do not even know what they are against. They voted for Obama to make changes, without looking into the changes he will make. Now they want instant solutions. bg]

.   

In the end, there is only the individual.  If the whole is nothing more than the sum of its parts, know that the geometric axiom serves for a Divine illumination of the realities of the world.  Ours is an era of instant solutions, the product of the loss of stability, anchor, certainty.  The truths and verities of centuries have melted away before what was universally believed would be the Springtime of Man.  The season changed and it was enough to wipe away the beliefs and values of a thousand and yet another thousand years but the warmth and paradise, the secular Nirvana and millennium, never appeared.  We asked for freedom; we demanded freedom; we climbed the barricades for freedom – and we received it, only to find, to our horror that we did not know what to do with it.  We cried for “rights” and they appeared – and the world became not one bit better than before.

The Liberalism that destroyed the Divine right of monarchy did not produce a better world and the democracy that brought universal suffrage did not create a kinder Man and the communism that railed against the evil of bourgeoisie-nationalism and democracy, did not bring Man happiness or peace.

All the fruits of progress and rationalism; all the harvests of science and humanism; all the things that promised to put an end to Man’s unhappiness and suffering and enslavement – all have failed and Man remains as unhappy and as enslaved as ever.

For by the very nature of desire to be “free” and to be “happy” Man guarantees the impossibility of a better world.  The obsession with self, the pandering to materialism and self-gratification, the glorifying of the “I” and the ego, must, by the very nature of the human beast, lead to further need and further demand for “more.”  Self-gratification is salt water that quenches the thirst of ego for but a moment and then produces the need-greater than before – for yet more water, for yet more gratification.  There is no end to it and the expectations can only rise, together with the increased inability to sacrifice and do without.  No man was ever more a slave than in our era when self-love and narcissism chain man to the demands of his body.

And so, a slave to his material and narcissistic needs; bewildered by the host of utopias that failed and the solutions that proved to be bitter delusions, lost and drifting, with no authority or ideological compass.  Man frantically and frequently seeks solutions – instant, immediate, now.  A child of the century of confusion and immaturity, unable and unwilling to postpone gratification or to slowly and carefully build the tower of truth, he demands his Nirvana now.

And so he seizes the short road that must inevitably prove to be long.  He climbs the barricades to change the “system.”  If it is capitalism, let us establish socialism and if it is communism let us build private enterprise.  If it is a monarchy let us have a republic and if it is a liberal, national bourgeoisie, we must have in its place a proletarian people’s government.  Foolish, frantic, frightened, lost souls.  Of course it cannot be.  Of course you cannot change a world by changing the “system” or the “society.” For there are not such concepts!  They do not exist!  Show me a system; let me touch it; let me feel it.  The whole is non-existent as an entity unto itself.  It comes into being only through the sum and substance of all the individuals that compose it.  If the individuals are selfish, grasping, stupid and pigs – that is the kind of society you will have, automatically, inexorably.

You seek a better world?  You want a better “society?”  Take the parts and make them good and you will have it.  Make man, each individual one, good and you will have your good world no matter what name you give the system.  That is the only way; there is no other.  It is the long way that is short; it is the only road that leads not to a dead end. You say it is impossible to create this?  Perhaps, though I would rather say, extraordinarily difficult.  But if it is impossible, cease your games and your illusions.  Neither the establishment, nor the rebels; neither the ‘outs’ nor the ‘ins’ neither the defenders of the status quo nor the revolutionary militants and activists, will change anything.

Of course seek to change things and make them better.  But beware of those who speak in terms of glory and love and revolution and throwing out the Establishment.  Look at them and study them.  Speak to them and search them.  Are they good people?  I mean, are they personally decent and fine and people of mercy and kindness?  Do they love the general people and hate each and every individual?  Do they love “Jews” the plural and speak with viciousness of each individual?  When they weep for the poor have you ever known them to reach into their pockets and give their tithe of charity.”  Does the purple mantle of love, cloak a hater?  Is there a need to hate rather than a drive for compassion?

Struggle against injustice and inequity and never accept them but beware the loud and strident “liberators.”  Too often, the ‘out’ climbs the barricades against the ‘in’ only because he seeks to exchange places with him and if he should ever succeed we would discover in him the same dreadful qualities of the one he ousted.  Only the good and the kind and the compassionate man can change things.  The other – the loser, the self-hate, the unstable and the one eaten by envy and the need to destroy is the kind to avoid, from whom you should flee.  No better world will emerge from him.  In the end, there is only Man, the individual.  If he is good, so will be his world.  If not, there is no hope.

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