THEY MUST GO – 1981
RABBI
MEIR KAHANE
Excerpts
from: Israeli Arabs: Fathers and Sons (and Daughters)
Part
1
Israeli Arabs.
Fathers and sons-and increasingly daughters. For the Israelis have liberated the Arab
woman, too, in order that she may also vote for anti-Zionists and teach
anti-Israel hatred. Thus, when the prime
minister’s office boasts that “the expansion of the educational system has
helped to raise the standard of education of the younger generation of women”
and “the fact that Arab women are coming into closer contact with the Jewish
population is opening up new horizons,” one gropes for an explanation for the
smug satisfaction. The most that can be
said for Israel’s liberal policy is that it has created a new generation of Jew
haters with due care to ensure that the source of the hate is equal, with
discrimination because of sex..
The generation of the fathers is dying destroyed by the
Israeli government’s “head-and-stomach” policy.
The father is dead; long live the son and daughter, whom Israel
created. They will do their best to
destroy the Jewish state, and, of course, the Jewish state will continue to
produce them. The first generation of
Israeli Arab university graduates immediately produced the El Ard anti-Israeli
movement in the 1960’s.
Indeed, even then there were those who saw and
understood-and those who did, terrified by what they saw, put it out of
mind. In the Midstream magazine
(December 1962) Nissim Rejwan, an Israeli writer, said: “One of the more
alarming aspects of the Israeli problem is that the new generation of Israeli
Arabs generally shows even less willingness, not to speak of eagerness, to
accept the fact of Israel’s existence than do their fathers and grandfathers. The so-called Arab ‘intelligentsia’ in
Israel which seems to embrace every literate person from university
graduates to those who finished a few secondary classes, are in the majority of
cases swayed by the heady talk…about ‘settling scores with Israel.’ Many of them, it would appear, cannot
reconcile themselves to their status as a minority in a Jewish state and keep
hoping for some sort of savior.” Was anyone listening?
The rise of the new generation of educated Israeli Arabs who
did not know, the bitter taste of defeat and who openly moved toward
confrontation with Zionism and the Jewishness of the state was itself given
enormous impetus by the Six-Day-War.
Again, ironically, it was Jewish military victory that the
Jews turned into yet another political defeat.
For the first time in nineteen years the Arabs were able to meet and
talk with other Arabs who were not Israelis, who called themselves “Palestinians,” and who openly spoke of the
day when the hated Jews would leave. The
Israeli Arab suddenly, realized that he was neither meat nor milk, fish nor
fowl. He was not an Israeli, but now he
was struck by the awesome realization that he had not been a “Palestinian” all
those years either? He was looked upon
by the West Bank “Palestinians” as a traitor who cooperated with, and accepted,
Israeli citizenship from the Jews who had stolen the land from his people. In one fell swoop, all the factors that went
into creating the new radical Israeli Arab came together. Things could never be the same.
Not only were there new contacts with the West Bank
“Palestinians,” but this was also the beginning of joint cooperation. Thus, Israeli Arabs participated in a
“Palestine Week” held in 1978 at the Universities of Bethlehem and Bir Zeit. They helped organize it, and they printed and
distributed a leaflet calling for the support of the PLO. In defiance of the law several Israeli Arab
students have begun studying in schools in the liberated territories.
The opening of the borders between the State of Israel and
the liberated areas was seen by the incredibly obtuse Israelis as allowing the
better-fed Israeli Arabs to demonstrate the benefits of Israeli
occupation. Of course, a child could
have known that the exactly the opposite would occur. The Israeli Arabs were suddenly given the
opportunity to meet, regularly, with their own people who were
struggling for what the Israeli Arab understood to be a common goal: freedom.
The mayor of Hebron, Fahd
Kawasma, said (January 22, 1979): “The Israeli Arabs have remained foreigners
and their lot remains ours. There is no possibility of blurring the fact that
they and we are part of the same people, and the fact that they live in Israel
does not make them less Palestinian.”
In his newspaper interview, Bir Zeit President Nasir added:
“The destiny of the Arab College at Bir Zeit is to be the nucleus around which
is built the Palestinian State.” Indeed,
the Arab students being trained in the Jewish universities of Israel see
themselves in the same light. They are
the seed of the future “Palestine” leaders in the area of “Palestine conquered
in 1948.” They give leadership and
examples to high school students and are the PLO leaders of tomorrow.
The irony is that the most extraordinary rise in the
brazenness has taken place under the supposedly tough Begin government. Maariv reporter Yosef Tzuriel
commented on this as long ago as April 26, 1978. “The rise of the Likud to power created a
certain amount of tension in the first months among Arabs of Israel and the
territories who expected a firmer policy against them. but after a short
while it became clear that the new government was as liberal as its
predecessor, if not more so.”
What is the real result of the millions of dollars poured
into higher Arab education and the hundreds of millions spent on secondary
(high school) training? Consider: In December 1979 the Progressive National
Movement (PNM) won the election for control of the Arab Student Committee at Hebrew
University. In its platform the PNM
called for:
·
acceptance of the Palestinian
Covenant (which calls for the elimination of Israel)
·
the creation of a
“democratic, secular Palestine” in place of Israel
·
acceptance pf terrorist
activities as part of the Palestinian struggle for self-determination.
And indeed, in 1979, students and visitors at the university
were startled to find mimeographed copies of the Palestinian National charter
being distributed.
And should one have any doubt, the immensely frank interview
with Mahmud
Muhareb would dispel all of them. Muhareb, an Israeli Arab citizen of Lydda and
at the time chairman of the Arab Student Committee at Hebrew University,
presented his views to Maariv Israel’s largest newspaper (January 20, 1978):
“We, the Arab students in the university, constitute and indivisible part of the
Arab Palestinian nation, and we struggle in its service in order to achieve its
goals.”
“As for me and my personal lot, I am first and foremost a
Palestinian, resident of
Lydda. Israeli citizenship was forced upon me. I do not
recognize it and do not see myself as belonging to the State of Israel. The law requires me to carry an Israeli
identity card and passport. As a
Palestinian, I would prefer Palestinian ones.”
There is nothing new or startling about this. The signs of Arab intellectual hatred of
Israel and deep
desire for the dismantlement were obvious to all who wished to see.
[Continued next week]
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