Rabbi Meir Kahane
“A Treaty with the United States”
Jewish Press May 5, 1978
As the pressure grows on Israel to commit suicide, the United States – through carefully planned leaks – has begun to wave a trial balloon and a seductive proposal to Israel, and more important, to the Jews there and without, who seek any “reasonable” solution. The seduction is called a formal treaty between the United States and Israel by which the Americans would guarantee the survival of the Jewish state.
Who in possession of even a modicum of common sense would trust the United States to carry out a treaty obligation that would involve the use of American troops and possible heavy losses?
Who will trust the Americans, whose “faithfulness” to their South Vietnamese allies is legendary? Who does not realize that a treaty will only tie Israeli hands as every decision to retaliate against terror raids or wars of “attrition” will be vetoes by the senior partner?
Let the Americans keep their treaties and let the Jews renew theirs with the ALL Mighty. And never were the words of the prophet (Isaiah 30:2-3) more true: “Who go down to Egypt and have not asked of My mouth . . . to trust in the shadow of Egypt! Therefore shall the strength of Paraoh be your shame, and the trust in Egypt your confusion.” The L-rd, on the L-rd.
“Brzeninski: Is He Good for the Jews,”
Kahane Magazine, September 1978, pp20-22
The United States surely acts upon its own interests and this is most legitimate. But Washington conceives of its interest in ways very different from the Israeli ones. The state department and the Pentagon (and there is no basic difference here between Democratic and Republican administrations) look at American interests in terms of oil, potential business contracts and investments in the Middle East, and, above all, to increase American influence in the Arab world. When the presidential advisor says “a settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict is in the American interest,” what he is really saying is that a solution that the Arabs will find relatively favorable is in the American interest, and if that solution conflicts with Israel’s security or moral obligation, that is unfortunate.
The historical record shows an America that refused obstinately to give weapons to the beleaguered Jews in 1948, that attempted to shelve the U.N. plan for a Jewish state in favor of a trusteeship and that pressured Ben-Gurion not to declare a Jewish state. It shows American pressure forcing the Jews to give up the northern Sinai after it was captured from the invading Egyptians in 1948 and to surrender the Sinai and the Gaza Strip in 1956 after Israel had smashed the Nasser noose that threatened to strange it. It shows an America that pledged to keep the Gulf of Aqaba open and the United Nations peace-keeping forces between Israel and Egypt, and that then reneged on its promise in the terrible two weeks that preceded the June 1967 war. It shows an America that refused to sell Phantom jets to Israel all through 1971; that prevented Israel from striking a pre-emptive blow on the eve of the Yom Kippur War (that, not Israeli intransigence, was what cost 2,5000 lives); that held up arms shipments to a bleeding Israel so as to prevent their routing the Arabs; that forced Israel to accept a cease-fire when it was on the verge of wiping out the Egyptian Third Army; and that brutally pressured Israel through “reassessment” – cutting off arms shipments and economic aid – into giving up the vital Sinai passes and all Israel’s oil.
. . . Who believes that America will do better for Israel than it did for its formal ally, South Vietnam? The only reality is American pressure to force Israel to do what is good – in the
Administration’s eyes – for America, regardless of whether it is suicidal for Israel.
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